Working Papers #21 - 30Click Working Paper title to download (requires Adobe Acrobat Reader). Please note, not all papers are available for download at this time. Transitions to Democracy: Brazil and Argentina in the 1980sEduardo Viola and Scott Mainwaring Working Paper #21 - July 1984 Eduardo Viola is Associate Professor of Political Science at the Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina in Florianópolis, Brazil. During the 1983-84 year he was a Fellow of the Kellogg Institute. He is currently finishing a book on the emergence, deterioration, and crisis of the democratic experience of 1973-1976 in Argentina. Scott Mainwaring is Faculty Fellow of the Kellogg Institute and Assistant Professor of Government at Notre Dame. The authors wish to thank Guillermo O'Donnell, Donald Share, and Alexander Wilde for helpful comments on an earlier draft. His first book, The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916-1983, was published by Stanford University Press in 1986. Abstract This paper discusses and compares the current transitions towards democracy in Brazil and Argentina. Its major purpose is to explore some of the major differences between these two transitions. It describes the Brazilian process as a "limited and unfinished transition initiated from above" and the Argentine process as a "transition after regime collapse." It compares the transitions on two main parameters: the extent to which the elites from the authoritarian regime control the transition, and the level of rupture or continuity of the democratic regime in relation to the authoritarian one. The authors argue that the authoritarian elites in Brazil have controlled many significant aspects of the transition, which has been characterized by significant continuity in relation to the authoritarian period, while the authoritarian elites in Argentine were incapable (despite attempts) of controlling the transition, which has been characterized by a rupture. The article also compares different aspects of the military regimes, the kinds of authoritarian political traditions, and the current prospects and dilemmas of democracy in the two countries. Resumen Este trabajo discute y compara las presentes transiciones hacia la democracia en Brasil y Argentina. Su principal propósito es explorar algunas de las mas relevantes diferencias entre estas dos transiciones. El proceso brasileño es descripto como una "limitada e inconclusa transición iniciada desde arriba" y el argentino como una "transición después del colapso del régimen." El papel compara las transiciones en dos parámentros fundamentales: la medida en que las elites del régimen autoritario controlan la transición y el nivel de ruptura o continuidad del régimen democrático en relación al autoritario. Los autores argumentan que las elites autoritarias en Brasil han controlado varios aspectos de la transición, que ha sido caracterizada por significativa continuidad en relación al período autoritario, mientras las elites autoritarias argentinas fueron incapaces (a pesar de los intentos) de controlar la transición, que ha sido caracterizada por la ruptura. El arículo también compara aspectos de los regímenes militares, los tipos de tradiciones políticas autoritarias y las presentes perspectivas para la democracia en los dos países. (74 pages)
Redemocratization, the Church, and Democracy in ColombiaAlexander Wilde Working Paper #22 - June 1984 Revised from a paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Rocky Mountain Council on Latin American Studies, Tucson, Arizona, February 23-25, 1984. The author gratefully acknowledges the criticisms of Héctor Leis, Scott Mainwaring, and Eduardo Viola and welcomes further comments and suggestions. Alexander Wilde is Senior Fellow and Associate Academic Director of the Kellogg Institute. He was formerly Acting Secretary of the Latin American Program of The Wilson Center, Washington, D.C. and has taught at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and Haverford College. He has written about the politics of Colombia for nearly 20 years. This Working Paper is drawn from the author's study, Politics and the Church in Colombia. Abstract Colombia's transition back to political democracy in the 1950s raises interesting issues for current debates about "redemocratization." The regime has charted a remarkably consistent course compared to the interruptions and reverses elsewhere in Latin America. At the same time, however, oligarchical democracy has arguably become less democratic in its processes and consequences, and the country has experienced a continuing sense of moral crisis. These two phenomena are related to one another and to the political role of the Catholic Church. The Colombian Church turned away from "Catholic" one-party government and supported bipartisan oligarchical democracy. It also recognized that LaViolenica called for a new social mission-more direct, active involvement in society-if it were to retain its accustomed magisterial authority. In the last two decades, however, it has repeatedly experienced a tension between exercising this direct social mission and supporting the political regime. Liberationist groups within it have offered a Christian critique of social problems, but in contrast to many other Latin American countries, the Hierarchy has consistently marginalized these Liberationist elements. The cost for the Church has been an obvious irrelevance in the midst of the felt moral crisis. The cost of the country has been to deny legitimation to popular social organization-and its potentialities for achieving a more just and democratic society. Resumen El retorno de Colombia a la democracia a fines de la década del 50 plantea cuestiones interesantes para el debate actual sobre "redemocratización." El régimen colombiano ha seguido un curso consistente comparado con las interrupciones e involuciones comunes en América Latina. Sin embargo, simultáneamente, la democracia oligárquica ha devenido (posiblemente) menos democrática, tanto en sus procesos cuanto en sus consecuencias, y el país ha experimentado un contínuo sentido de crisis moral. Estos dos fenómenos están relacionados mútuamente y, por su vez, con el rol polEitico de la Iglesia católica. La Iglesia colombiana tomó la decisión de no legitimar un: "gobierno católico" de un partido pasando a apoyar la democracia oligárquica bipartidaria. La Iglesia también reconoció que La Violencia planteaba la necesidad de una nueva vision social-compromiso más activo y directo con la sociedad-para retener su histórica autoridad magistral. En las últimas dos décadas, no obstante, la Iglesia ha experimentado repetidamente la tensión entre el ejercer de esta misión social directa y apoyar al régimen político. Los grupos liberacionistas dentro de la Iglesia han propuesto una crítica cristiana de los problemas sociales, pero en contraste con otros países latinoamericanos, la Jerarquía ha marginalizado consistentemente estos elementos liberacionistas. El costo para la Iglesia ha sido su irrelevancia en cuanto potencial institución comprometida con la superación de la crisis moral. El costo para el país ha sido la negación de legitimidad para la organización social popular y para las potencialidades de ésta para lograr una sociedad más justa y democrática. (39 pages)
On Modernism and Modernization: The Modernist City in Development, the Case of BrasiliaJames Holston Working Paper #23 - July 1984 James Holston is a Junior Fellow of the Kellogg Institute and an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Notre Dame for the period 1983-85. He has done graduate work both in anthropology and in architecture at Yale University. Currently, he is studying the cultural and social movements of the urban popular classes in Brazil as a follow-up project to his doctoral dissertation. The author wishes to express his gratitude to the Organization of American States, The Tinker Foundation, and Yale University for supporting twenty-two months of field research for his dissertation "Blueprint Utopia: Architecture, Politics and Society in Brasil" (Department of Anthropology, Yale University), from which this essay is drawn. Abstract This paper analyzes the model of development upon which the design of Brasilia and most contemporary urban projects in developing countries are based, that of the CIAM modernist city. Proposed in Europe and the Soviet Union in the early part of this century, the CIAM model remains the most comprehensive theory of the modern city. Exported from developed to developing countries, it exemplifies the important affinity between modernism and modernization in development ideologies. This article analyzes the basic features of the CIAM model city, using the design of Brasilia as its most complete example. The first section establishes Brasilia's pedigree as a modernist city. The second sets out the model's principles in its architectural and historical context. It demonstrates that the modernist city is designed as an instrument of social transformation, in which architecture itself is conceived of as a means to create new forms of collective association and personal habit. The paper focuses on six major premises of the model: (1) its anti-capitalist/egalitarian basis; (2) its "machine metaphor"; (3) its redefinition of the social "functions" of urban organization; (4) its development of revolutionary building typologies and planning conventions;(5) its environmental determinism and anti-contextuality; and (6) its reliance on state authority, "total planning," and the "techniques of shock" to realize its objectives of social change. Resumo Este paper analisa o modelo de desenvolvimento sobre o qual baseou-se o projeto da cidade de Brasilia, assim como o da maioria dos projetos urbanos atuais em paises em desenvolvimento; isto é o da cidade modernista do CIAM. Proposto na Europa e na União Sovietica no inicio deste século, o modelo do CIAM permanece como a mais completa teoria da cidade moderna. Exportado para paises em desenvolvimento, ele exemplifica a importante afinidade entre o modernismo e a modernização nas ideologias de desenvolvimento. O artigo analisa as carateristicas básicas do modelo da cidade do CIAM, utilizando o projeto de Brasilia como sua forma mais completa. A primeira parte estabelece a derivação de Brasilia como uma cidade modernista. A seguna aponta os fundamentos do modelo no seu contexto arquitetônico e histórico. Ele demonstra que a cidade modernista ó planejada como instrumento de transformação social, no qual a arquitetura por si só é concebida como o meio de criação de novas formas de associação coletiva e de habitos pessoais. O paper enfoca seis principios importantes do modelo: (1) seu base anti-capitalista/igualitaria; (2) sua "metáfora de máquina"; (3) sua redefinação das "funções" sociais de organização urbana; (4) sua desenvolvimento de tipologias arquitetónicas e de conceitos de planejamento revolucionários; (5) seu determinismo do ambiente e sua anti-contextualidade; (6) sua dependéncia na autoridade governamental, no "planejamento total," e nas "técnicas de choque" para atingir seus objetivos de mudança social. Resumen Este paper analiza el modelo de desarrollo sobre el cual se basó el proyecto de la ciudad de Brasilia y la mayoría de los proyectos urbanos actuales en los países en desarrollo: el de la ciudad modernista de CIAM. Propuesto siglo, el modelo de CIAM permanece como la mas completa teoría de la ciudad moderna. Exportado para los países en desarrollo, aquel ejemplifica una afinidad importante entre el modernismo y la modernización en las ideologias del desarrollo. Elk artículo analiza las caracteristicas básicas del modelo de la ciudad de CIAM, utilizando el proyecto de Brasilia como su forma mas completa. La primera parte establece la derivación de Brasilia como una ciudad modernista. La segunda apunta a los fundamentos del modelo en su contexto arquitectónico e histórico, demostrando que la ciudad modernista es planeada como instrumento de transformación colectiva y de hábitos personales. El paper enfoca seis principios importantes del modelo: (1) su base anti-capitalista/igualitaria; (2) su "metafora de maquina"; (3) su redefinición de las "funciones" sociales de la organización urbana; (4) su desarrollo de tipologias arquitectónicas y conceptos de planeamiento revolucionarios; (5) su determinismo del ambiente y su anti-contextualidad; (6) su dependencia de la autoridad gubernamental, en el "planeamiento total," y en las "técnicas de choque" para alcanzar sus objetivos de cambio social. (55 pages)
Good-Bye Financial Repression, Hello Financial CrashCarlos F. Días-Alejandro* Working Paper #24 - August 1984 Carlos F. Díaz-Alejandro is Professor of Economics at Columbia University. He has published a large number of influential works on Latin American development. This paper was presented at the Hirschman Conference on Economic Development and Democracy, sponsored by the Kellogg Institute in April 1984. *A version of this paper was first presented at a conference held in Bogotá on November 22 and 23, 1982, sponsored by the Universidad de los Andes and the Banco de la República. Visits to CINVES, in Montevideo, and CIEPLAN, in Santiago de Chile, during March 1983, were very helpful for extending that early version. I am grateful to all these institutions and to numerous individuals who shared with me their views of the events narrated and of the issues discussed in the text. Among those who are unlikely to find embarrassing my acknowledgement of their help, I may mention José Pablo Arellano, Edmar L. Bacha, Guillermo Calbo, Jonathan Eaton, Ricardo Ffrench-Davis, Jeff Frieden, Eduardo García D'Acuña, José Antonio Ocampo, Hugh Patrick, Gustav Ranis, Patricio Meller and Laurence M. Weiss. My gratitude is no less for the often extraordinarily generous cooperation of those not explicitly named. Abstract This paper reviews some dilemmas posed by intrinsic imperfections of all financial markets and then examines some Latin American experiments in financial liberalizaton, particularly those in Southern Cone countries. The paper discusses alternative ways of organizing domestic capital markets under Latin American conditions and of supervising links between domestic and international financial markets. Resumen Este paper hace una revisión de algunos dilemas planteados por las imperfecciones intrínsecas de todos los mercados financieros y después examina algunos experimentos latinoamericanos de liberalización financiera, particularmente aquellos en los países del cono sur. El paper discute modos alternativos de organización de los mercados de capitales domésticos en las condiciones específicas de América Latina y de supervisión de los vínculos entre los mercados financieros domésticos e internacionales. (38 pages)
Centroamerica; algunos rasgos de la sociedad de postguerra*Edelberto Torres-Rivas Working Paper #25 - August 1984 Edelberto Torres-Rivas, a native of Guatemala, is member of the Instituto Centroamericano de Investigación y Documentación Social, ICADIS, whose headquarters are in Costa Rica. He has written many books about Central America and is director of the journal POLEMICA. Torres-Rivas was a fellow of the Kellogg Institute in the Spring 1984 semester. Abstract This paper analyzes different aspects of the five Central American societies (Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala) in the post-World War II period. Some tables and the text systematically compare the five countries according to different aspects of political, economic, and social life, including transportation, communication, wages, basic services, and agrarian structure. In addition to highlighting differences between the five countries, the paper analyzes some of the major changes Central America underwent in the period between 1945 and the end of the 1950s. Resumen Este trabajo analiza varios aspectos de las cinco sociedades centro-americanas (Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala) en el período posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Los cuadros y el texto establecen comparaciones sistemáticas entre los cinco países según diversos apsectos de la vida política, económica y social, incluyendo información sobre el transporte, la comunicación, los salarios, los servicios básicos y la estructura agraria. Además de destacar diferencias entre los cinco países, el trabajo analiza algunos cambios fundamentales que la región experimentó entre 1945 y fines de los 50. *Note *Nota (74 pages)
False Polarization? Alternative Perspectives On The Economic Strategies Of Post-Revolutionary NicaraguaMichael E. Conroy Working Paper #26 - July 1984 Michael Conroy is Co-Director of the Central American Resource Center in Austin, Texas. In Spring 1984 he was Visiting Associate Professor of Economics and Faculty Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at Notre Dame. Dr. Conroy has written extensively about Central American economic development. This paper was prepared for presentation at the 25th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association; Atlanta March 29, 1984. Abstract Nicaraguan economic strategies during the first five years after the revolution have been given profoundly differing interpretations in the U.S. How is it that the economy that had the fastest rate of growth in Latin America during 1983 could be characterized by the Kissinger Commission, in January 1984, as one "whose performance has been poor?" The Sandinista economic policies have given important continuing roles to the private sector, but they are dismissed as "Marxist-Leninist." In this paper I present an overview of Nicaraguan economic performance during the first five years after the revolution, and I explore the ideological roots of the widely differing evaluations of that experience. Pre-revolutionary Nicaraguan economic history and post-revolutionary policies are explored from the perspective of three distinct paradigms, the neo-classical approach, the structuralist approach of ECLA, and a more radical composite Marxist-dependency approach. Nicaraguan economic policies are seen to be logical, coherent, and complete extensions of a "structuralist" approach long practiced in lesser fashion in many other parts of Latin America. It is seen as neither the caricatured Marxist approach alleged by the Reagan administration nor the laissez faire capitalist model advocated by that administration. The economic war launched against Nicaragua is found to endanger most the very private sector on behalf of whom it is ostensibly being waged. Resumen Las estrategias económicasnicaraguenses durante los primeros cinco anos despues de la revolución han sido interpretadas en diversas formas en los E.U. Como puede ser que la economia que tuvo la tasa de crecimiento mas rápida en America Latina durante 1983 sea caracterizada por la Comision Kissinger, en enero de 1984, como una "cuyos resultados han sido pobre"? Las políticas ecómicas Sandinistas han reservado funciones importantes al sector privado, pero son descartadas como "marxistas/leninistas." Este trabajo describe en breve la economia nicaraguense durante los primeros cinco años despues de la revolución y explora las raíces ideológicas de las extensivas y diferentes evaluaciones de esa experiencia. Se explora la historia de la economía nicaraguense antes de la revolución y las politicas de esta despues de la revolución desde una perspectiva de tres paradigmas distintos: el método neoclásico, el metodo estructuralista de la ECLA, y un método mas radical que combina elementos del Marxismo y del enfoque dependentista. Las politicas económicas nicaraguenses son lógical y coherentes, extensiones completas de un metodo "estructuralista" practicada por muchos años en menor grado en muchas otras partes de America Latina. Estas políticas no son ni el rigido metodo marxista alegado por la administracion de Reagan ni el modelo capitalista laissez faire defendido por esa administracion. La guerra económica lanzada contra Nicaragua pone más en peligro exactamente al sector privado por cuyo beneficio es emprendida. (39 pages)
Eternal Dependence, External Assistance, and 'Economic Aggression' Against NicaraguaMichael E. Conroy Working Paper #27 - July 1984 Michael E. Conroy is Co-Director of the Central American Resource Center in Austin, Texas. In Spring 1984 he was Visiting Associate Professor of Economics and Faculty Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame. Dr. Conroy has written extensively about Central American economic development. Abstract The Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua inherited an economy that was profoundly dependent upon constant new flows of external financing, not only in terms of economic aid from multilateral institutions heavily influenced by the U.S., but also through the more subtle influence of private bank financing. The economic policies toward Nicaragua undertaken by the U.S. government since 1981 demonstrate clear recognition of the damage that could be done through the manipulation of those channels. This paper presents a detailed analysis of the nature of Nicaraguan financial dependence prior to 1979, the problems that have ensued in the external sector, and the manipulation of financial flows as a direct object of U.S. policy. It places U.S. policies explicitly in the context of historical economic aggression, and it demonstrates the extent to which Nicaragua has responded to reductions in U.S. financing by turning successfully to Western Europe, to other Third World nations, and to the Socialist Bloc for new economic assistance as it strives to lessen and diversify its external assistance. Nicaragua's confrontation with this external financial dependence carries lessons in the functioning of the international financial system with respect to any nation that attempts to transform its domestic economy by restructuring its position in the global economic system. Resumen La revolución Sandinista en Nicaragua heredó una economía profundamente dependiente de financiamiento externo, no solo en términos de ayuda económica proveniente de instituciones multilaterales influenciadas en gran manera por los E.U., sino también por la influencia mas sutil de financiamiento a través de bancos privados. Las Politicas económicas de los E.O. hacia Nicaragua desde el 1981 demuestran un claro reconocimiento del daño que puede ser causado mediante la manipulación de estros canales. Este trabajo presenta un análisis detallado sobre la dependencia financiera nicaraguense antes de 1979, los problemas que han resultado en el sector externo, y la manipulación financiera como objeto directo de la politica estadounidense. Situa las politicas de los E.U. explicitamente en el contexto de una historica agresión económica. Demuestra además, hasta que punto Nicaragua ha respondido a las reducciones financieras estadounidenses al recurrir con éxito a Europa occidental, a otras naciones del Tercer Mundo y a la Union Sovietica con sus aliados para nueva ayuda económica mientras procura disminuir y diversificar su ayuda externa. La confrontación con esta dependencia financiera externa conlleva lecciones sobre el funcionamiento del sistema internacional financiero con respecto a cualquier nación que intenta transformar su economía doméstica reconstruyendo su posición en el sistema económico global. (27 pages)
Fuerzas Armadas, Partidos Politicos y Transicion a la Democracia en Argentina 1981-1982Andrés Fontana* Working Paper #28 - July 1984 Andrés Fontana was a Fellow of the Kellogg Institute from February to December 1983 and is a member of CEDES (Centro de Estudios de Estado y Sociedad) in Buenos Aires. *To a large extent this paper is the product of daily discussions about Argentine politics, held over the course of the period analyzed. I wish to thank all of the members of CEDES, especially Oscar Landi and Miguel Khavize, for their contributions. I received helpful comments and suggestions from Marcelo Cavarozzi, Elizabeth Jelin, Juan José Llovet, Oscar Landi, Scott Mainwaring, and Guillermo O'Donnell. I also want to thank the members of the Kellogg Institute, Phillippe Schmitter, and María Angélica Grassi for their suggestions and help. Abstract This paper analyzes the internal dynamic of the Argentine military regime and its relationship with the political parties during the presidencies of Generals Roberto Viola and Leopoldo Galtieri. The paper focuses on different moments in the crisis of the military regime and the political liberalization process, starting with Viola's assumption of the presidency in 1981 and ending with the defeat the regime suffered in the Malvinas war. Resumen Este Trabajo Analiza La Dinámica Interna Del Régimen Militar Argentino y su relación con los partidos políticos durante las presidencias de los Generales Roberto Viola y Leopoldo Galtieri, en vinculación con el proceso de apertura política. El análisis trata de explicar la relación entre diversos momentos de la crisis del régimen militar, desde la asunción de la presidencia por Viola en 1981, hasta la derrota del régimen en la guerra de las Malvinas. (38 pages)
The United States and Third World Poor in the International Economy; Some Economic and Ethical Issues for DiscussionErnest Bartell, CSC Working Paper #29 - December 1983 Father Ernest Bartell is the Executive Director of the Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies and Professor of Economics at the University of Notre Dame. This paper was prepared for presentation to the members of the United States Catholic Bishops' committee preparing a pastoral letter on the American economy. Abstract In mainstream economic models of free markets, optimization criteria take on a greater priority than other important value considerations. However, the most efficient allocation of resources in a competitive free market does not necessarily lead to a distribution of income and wealth which meets acceptable ethical standards of social justice and human equality. Distribution of gains from international market activity tends to be biased against Third World countries, and particularly against the poor within those countries. An adequate economic and ethical evaluation of United States international economic policy must take this into account. Value judgements about distribution, though they affect the domestic economic policy of most countries, historically have had little influence on the workings of international markets. The richest fifth of the world's population accounts for 50 times the per capita GNP of the poorest fifth and, in the absence of international intervention, the inequality will continue to grow because of the biases against the poor nations in markets for labor, goods and services, and financial capital. This paper examines these distributional biases together with some policy options proposed to redress them, and concludes that only a broad based popular appeal grounded in the considerations of higher ethical and moral values, as well as in the requirements for survival of an international economic system, is likely to create the collective will necessary for a comprehensive and coordinated approach to a rational distribution of economic means and opportunities in an increasingly interdependent economic world. Resumen En los modelos económicos de libre mercado convencionales, los criterios de optimización adquieren una más alta prioridad que otras consideraciones valóricas de importancia. Sin embargo, la asignación de recursos más eficiente posible en un sistema competitivo de libre mercado no asegura una distribución del ingreso y riqueza que satisfaga las normas éticas de justicia social e igualdad entre los hombres. La distribución de las ganancias que se crean como resultado de la existencia de los mercados internacionales tienden a discriminar en contra de los paises del Tercer Mundo, y en particular en contra de los pobres al interior de dichos paises. Una evaluación adecuada de la politica económico y ético, debe tomar en consideración los aspectos mencionados. (41 pages) Issues on Democracy and Democratization: North and South
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